The Middle East Channel

Instigating emotionalism in Tunisia

At dawn on July 26, one day after the assassination of National Constituent Assembly (NCA) member Mohamed Brahmi, the opposition -- led by Jibhat Shaabia (the Popular Front), Nidaa Tounes (the Call for Tunisia), and a number of civil society activists -- demanded the dissolution of the Tunisian government and the NCA in order to "correct the course of the revolution and to spare the country further economic and security afflictions."

Despite the absence of a clear connection between Brahmi's murder and the policies of the government -- which has been cracking down harder on Salafi jihadi extremism and trying to provide more security -- and despite that the opposition had no plans to create a democratically legitimate body to replace the NCA, this announcement was received with great euphoria by many Tunisians. Ongoing protests in the Bardo neighborhood of Tunis, just outside the Constituent Assembly, have been fueled by emotion and the shortsighted power hunger of opposition elites, including figures in Nidaa Tounes, Jibhat Shaabia, the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) -- the country's largest trade union -- and the media. 

While analysts are beginning to gain a better understanding of Nidaa Tounes, there has been a surprising lack of attention to the role the UGTT and media are playing. Though the UGTT and media are not political parties, they are politicized institutions, influenced strongly by old regime interests, and they desire to shape the political scene to their will. It is important to look critically and calmly at the current political situation in Tunisia and recognize the forces behind the Bardo protest and calls for dissolving the NCA.

The UGTT claims its actions are not politically motivated. Historically, the organization did defend the interests of workers, especially when Tunisia was achieving its independence from France and during the presidency of Habib Bourguiba. But the period of former President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's rule from 1987 to 2011 changed the nature of the organization. Many top figures in UGTT were implicated in Ben Ali's circles of power. Today, the UGTT usually acts not to defend the interests of workers, which should be the primary goal of a trade union, but to serve the politically motivated self-interest of a handful of elites in the organization.

Just after the 2011 revolution, many people called for UGTT to open its files, as a number of UGTT leaders were suspected of having made corrupt deals with Ben Ali and his cronies. These deals involved investments, smuggling, and more. Instead of opening its files and aiming to be a more transparent organization, UGTT refused any investigation. In November 2011, UGTT's leader, Abdessalem Jrad, who had led the organization during the Ben Ali years and was known for having close ties to the old regime, faced a judicial investigation. A judge banned him from traveling outside the country. UGTT threatened to go on general strike unless the judge's decision was annulled -- this despite that the accusations against Jrad were founded on reliable information provided by the National Commission for Investigation on the Affairs of Corruption and Embezzlement. The judge's decision was cancelled the next day and no one has questioned Jrad's past abuses since.

Instead of fighting to support workers' interests, UGTT has been using strikes and sit-ins as tools to destabilize the country's progress. UGTT has called hundreds of strikes over the past two years. These strikes have paralyzed Tunisia's economy and imposed colossal pressure on the state's budget in already fragile financial times. Throughout these events, UGTT leaders have used the principle of defending workers to mask personal opportunism. People at the top of UGTT have demonstrated their power by shutting the country down with general strikes, regardless of whether those strikes solve anything or benefit anyone -- most of all the workers.

UGTT called countrywide general strikes after this year's two political assassinations -- that of Chokri Belaid on February 6 and Mohamed Brahmi on July 25, as if strikes could bring either of these people back or help catch the criminals. These strikes cost the country millions of dollars and brought Tunisia to a standstill. Even schools and hospitals stopped working. Many factories have shut down over the past two years because of such strikes and have relocated to countries like Morocco. The financial damage caused by these strikes cripples an already weak government that is trying to reform important institutions and provide services to the people. These strikes have therefore helped create public disgust at the government's inability to improve the economy and provide more services faster.

Politically and ideologically, UGTT is aligned with the opposition parties Jibhat Shaabia and Nidaa Tounes. The tensions between Ennahda and opposition groups like Jibhat Shaabia reflect much older tensions between Islamists, leftists, and pan-Arabists on university campuses during the 1960s and 1970s. This fight was suspended because of the dictatorship, but has revived and exploded in the country today.

Unlike Nidaa Tounes, which is a combination of leftists, anti-Ennahda secularists, and old regime forces, Jibhat Shaabia is a much smaller coalition of 10 leftist and pan-Arabist parties, and it is driven more by emotionalism than strategy. Most Jibhat Shaabia supporters are young. They seem to be against everything and fight amongst themselves -- sometimes violently, as I witnessed at Manouba University when Jibhat Shaabia supporters threw punches, knives, and even heavy stones at one another.

Many Jibhat Shaabia supporters have lived in poverty all their lives, and tend to be reckless and anarchistic in their political thinking. They consider themselves leftists but do not want to join with Nidaa Tounes because of its well-known linkages to the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD), Ben Ali's former ruling party. Though they constitute a major pillar of support at UGTT protests, they rarely talk about workers' rights. Instead, they usually belittle and discredit Ennahda, which they consider as an existential enemy, but for reasons that sometimes have more to do with just that the party is in power. Inside UGTT, a tension exists between the membership, which is heavily influenced by Jibhat Shaabia's youth and emotionalism, and the leadership, which has turned more and more toward Nidaa Tounes. Many Jibhat Shaabia youth disagree vehemently with that turn. Despite these tensions, both members and leaders often seem motivated by political power and ideological fury at Ennahda, not workers' rights.

Amidst all this, the media has played a central role sustaining the opposition's narrative -- namely that the NCA is illegitimate and that recent assassinations were the government's fault -- and depicting reality through its murky lenses. By broadcasting inaccurate and emotive statements and a constant stream of alarming news, media has been making Tunisians more intolerant toward the NCA and each other.

The TV channel El-Hiwar Ettounsi, for instance, which is owned by the Nidaa Tounes leader Taher Ben Hassine, is a typical example of the biased and alarmist coverage. It devoted all its programs to covering every sit-in and demonstration in the country, pinpointing all forms of social malaise, and linking the existence of these problems to the governing troika, especially the "Islamists" and so-called "new comers" (i.e. Ennahda).

This channel is the mouthpiece of the opposition's destructive calls to dissolve the NCA. It is even explicitly instigating the army and the "honest" ministry of interior cadres to conduct a coup against Ennahda, which it sweepingly refers to as the "Ikhwan" (Muslim Brotherhood) and "the murderers."

Other major media outlets like Nessma TV, Shems FM, Al Maghreb newspaper -- whose directors and contributors are well-known for being pro-Nidaa Tounes-- and dozens of popular Facebook pages close to the opposition also adopted a passionately belligerent stance toward the government. Facebook pages circulated thousands of rumors meant to discredit the value of any positive efforts undertaken by the "new rulers."

Special emphasis was directed toward magnifying the imperfections of the democratic transition process. The information transferred to the public was saturated with emotive charges in the classic style of "yellow journalism." For months, media outlets used clips of assembly officials arguing and acting unprofessionally to prove that the entire new ruling political leadership is incompetent and inefficient. This caricatured portrayal was taken seriously by many people, resulting in a negative perception of the whole post-revolution experience. Such coverage has stirred many Tunisians to question whether ousting Ben Ali has been worth it.

It is interesting that the media has taken this approach, given that so many media outlets are owned by supporters of Nidaa Tounes -- a party with strong ties to individuals who benefitted from the old regime and will benefit more if they can convince people the revolution wasn't worth it.

Most media outlets have also worked hard to propagandize the term hukuma fashila, or "failure government." This term was confirmed in many average Tunisians' minds by recurrent incidents that prevented them from accessing basic needs of everyday life. Since the January 2011 revolution, there have been frequent power outages and water supplies being cut off, as well as other suspensions of services particularly in poor interior regions like Gafsa, Kasserine, Sidi Bouzid, Jendouba, Kairouan, and Kef. It was as though people had been deprived of indispensable necessities in order to drive them into the streets. "We were neglected all our lives, we have no infrastructure and no job opportunities and now they are trying to strip us from our last basic right, the right to live!" said one infuriated young man from El Ala, a village near Kairouan, in July 2012. He was blocking the street with about 30 other people.

These power outages and water cut-offs were likely not a coincidence. A recent New York Times report showed that state-supplied goods, like electricity and water, which had been frequently cut over the past year, mysteriously returned when the Egyptian military deposed Mohammed Morsi. Similarly, in the northwest region of Kef, forest fires have been raging for over a week. These forests are likely being burned intentionally to create chaos at an already chaotic time. Dar Chichou suffered from similar forest fires in 2011. These fires were set by friends of the former first lady, Leila Trabelsi, and her clan. They have not been punished.

In the end, Brahmi's assassination was meant to provoke maximum confusion and emotional hysteria. Calls to dissolve the government and pressure NCA members to resign threaten the transition, and would do nothing to solve the recent murders or speed institutional reform in Tunisia. Sixty members of the NCA have joined the Bardo sit-in calling to dismantle the government. About 45 of them have demanded the dissolution of the NCA -- the very house that hosted them for nearly two years. They have suspended their membership but have so far refused to resign. Conveniently, they still benefit from their high salaries.

Regardless of exactly who planned Brahmi's murder and the subsequent destabilizing attacks Tunisia has been experiencing -- be it a small group of ultra-violent Salafi jihadis, old regime interests, foreigners bent on stopping Tunisia's revolution, or some combination of the three -- it is clear that there are people who are determined to upend this transition. Behind some Tunisian politicians, there are businessmen who had very prominent positions in the old regime. Old regime interests are strong in Nidaa Tounes, the media, and even in UGTT, and these links need to be better understood by Tunisians and outside analysts.

Omar Belhaj Salah is an independent researcher and graduate of Manouba University.

FETHI BELAID/AFP/Getty Images

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U.S. urges citizens to leave Yemen after intercepting al Qaeda communications

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Syria

Syrian opposition forces reportedly overtook the government's Minakh air base in Aleppo province early Tuesday, after repeated attacks over nearly a year working to seize control. The final push is believed to have come from nine rebel groups, including Islamist factions and Chechens, and was led by two foreign men, one believed to be Saudi Arabian, who carried out a suicide attack in an armored vehicle. Opposition fighters have made other recent gains in the Latakia province, overtaking several Alawite villages, pushing deeper into the government stronghold. However, the Syrian regime celebrated its own victor with the defense minister touring the recently seized Khalidiyeh district of Homs.

Headlines

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Arguments and Analysis

'Damascus: What's Left' (Sarah Birke, The New Yorker Blog)

"While the brutal devastation caused by the Syrian conflict, now entering its third year, has affected many parts of the country, the Syrian government has long sought to portray the capital as an oasis of calm. Unlike Aleppo, parts of which have been destroyed by a year of battle, central Damascus shows few physical scars of war, apart from the many roadblocks and checkpoints, and the burned-out remains of a building northeast of the city that was bombed. Unlike Raqqa, a city in the east of Syria that is in the hands of extremist rebels, Damascus looks like a bastion of tolerant, vibrant life. In this view, the functioning city demonstrates both the continued strength of the regime and the dangers of the increasingly fractured opposition. But as my visit to the Umayyad Mosque revealed, under the surface things aren't the same in the Syrian capital.

The same day, I went out for dinner with a well-connected businessman -- he went to school with Bashar al-Assad and Bashar's elder brother Bassel and has flourished under the regime, even more so since the crisis started. The restaurant served a take on continental food and any type of alcohol you might fancy. A coiffed young woman with a photo of Bashar as her iPhone cover sang songs as her smiling companions knocked back drinks at a price that would pay the rent of a displaced family for a month. At one point, the businessman got up to use the bathroom and something clattered to the floor. It was a pistol. 'Oh, that,' he said. 'I am so afraid of being kidnapped. I would rather kill myself than have that happen to me.'

During my stay, visits to a half-dozen different central neighborhoods made clear to me that the regime is far from on its last legs -- at least here. The economy trundles along, largely propped up by funds from the Iranian government -- which has injected at least $4 billion into Syria since the conflict began. Women bustle around the souqs, which remain open even as some shops have closed. Hotels which a year ago were contemplating closing their doors are doing a better trade now, thanks to well-to-do Syrians who have fled to the capital. The emptiness of the restaurants in the winding alleys and courtyard houses of the Old City is compensated for by ever increasing numbers of street vendors selling everything from headscarves to cigarettes to the displaced population."

'Jordan's Youth: Avenues for Activism' (Danya Greenfield, Atlantic Council)

"A key ingredient that drove the protest movements in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen was the youth population and their inclination to organize and activate thousands of people to protest against the excesses of the ruling regimes. In each of these countries, the vast majority of youth were largely apathetic, uninvolved, and uninitiated -- but this changed when they sensed their own power and the potential for political change. In Jordan, the youth are an untapped reserve. If the Arab Spring showed us anything it is that as pressure continues to build, young people in Jordan will eventually take the helm when the moment is right -- it could be months, or it could be years.

Across the social strata, older generations are largely invested in the status quo and have too much to lose by rocking the boat, but Jordanian youth could have a great deal to gain by shifting the balance of power. With those under the age of thirty-five comprising nearly 70 percent of the county's population with a 30 percent unemployment rate, the youth have both the numbers and the impetus to play an import role in pushing for change. Participating in formal politics has been disincentivized by the domination of elders in political parties and a minimum age requirement of thirty to run in parliamentary elections, which limits young peoples' inclination and ability to influence policy.

The perpetuation of the current state of affairs where political power is concentrated among a small elite, nepotism dictates success, and the misuse of state resources causes great frustration for young Jordanians who do not have access to the kind of economic and employment opportunity they need. That said, the Jordanian monarchy does not practice the kind of repression that Mubarak's Egypt or Ben Ali's Tunisia suffered from over decades. Though restricted by their age in important ways, young Jordanians do have the opportunity to engage in various forms of political activism, whether through registered political parties, informal opposition movements, social justice and volunteerism, street protests, or internet-based youth platforms."

--Mary Casey & Joshua Haber

MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/Getty Images